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Egypt was once a great nation, playing a significant role in terms of scholars, thinkers, writers, journalists, judges, engineers, doctors, and even teachers of the primary stages of education. Egypt reached its zenith in the modern era from the beginning and until the middle of the twentieth century. But creativity disappeared and began to decline with two major events – the first is the coup of July 23, 1952, which enabled the military to seize control of the state, and the greatness gradually disappeared and the second the forces of religious extremism that surfaced later with the consent of the regime. This eroded the people’s consciousness and the situation ended in Egypt becoming disgruntled, with a high birthrate and corruption seeping every way of life.
Two years after the departure of Nasser in 1970, Tawfiq al-Hakim, one of Egypt’s greatest golden era personality published his book ‘The Return of Consciousness’, and it caused an uproar due to its severe criticism of Nasser’s rule and policy.
Kuwait is not Egypt. Kuwait’s circumstances or its size cannot be compared to Egypt. We are happy and satisfied with the ruling family. However with the rapid developments in the region and the world, Kuwait needs a kind of return to its previous beautiful consciousness. We remained, especially after liberation, hostages of what is happening in the region, and on the other hand prisoners of the desires of two religious political parties.
For reasons that are long to be narrated, many neighboring countries have abandoned over time all the complications and legacy of the past and ‘overnight’ became more open and tolerant and the former religious men who were once seen as oppressors began calling for openness and welcomed foreign visitors and tourists, with flowers, a smile on the face and a kind word.
Egypt, the incubator for Brotherhood, has also succeeded in getting rid of their ideology and their legacy, devoted to modernizing the state and catching up with other countries of the world away from extremism and corrupt fundamentalism and this required dissolving the party and closing its headquarters.
In our regional system, we alone were once the most open, tolerant and creative, but continued our subservience to the forces of backwardness and allowed them to control our capabilities as if the world around us had not changed. How is it possible to understand all this fierce campaign because a hotel violated the instructions of the Ministry of Health and held a party on New Year’s Eve, compared to the silence of the same forces over real crimes, known thefts and too many stories of corruption?
We hope all good for this stage, so how do we accept that the MPs and politicians prioritize and continue to pay attention to trivial matters, which any police officer can handle while big issues are left for time to heal or solve, under the pretext of respect for God? Does fighting corruption and eliminating it do not include respect for God?
How did we come to adopt and cling to the former extremism abandoned by the great neighbor to the extent that we have become the only country in the world in which the fortune and star of the Brotherhood party rise, while this has faded from the face of the world in other countries?
Yes, we want awareness to return. We are tired of all this hyperbole. We want new Abdul Hussein and Nafisi. We want the continuation of the creativity of Saad Al-Faraj, the return of the tunes and melodies of Shadi Al-Khalij and the honor of Sami Muhammad’s sculptures, the return of the Al-Sanousi TV group to Al-Shorouk, the emergence of better radio and television programs, and the release of the energies of Suad, Hayat and dozens of other creative women.
We want the melody to return, the theater to live, the radio to hear, and the television to watch. We want the citizen and resident to enjoy the creativity of the nation’s youth. We want someone who fills the terrifying place in the stadium, compensates us for Al-Anbari, and returns us to the level of Al-Anbari in scorer. We want shackled books, novels and literary texts to break free from the drawers of a censor man who has left the ministry – a man who is ignorant of who Jalaluddin is.
We want a minister of culture who is known for his culture, and who knows what a person needs, not what the parties require. We want an education minister who knows how to teach and educate the young according to the best modern world systems and not according to Sayed Qutb’s instructions.
Do we ask for the impossible? Finally, we wonder: Does the person who wants reform really choose a particular MP to be a minister?
By Ahmad alsarraf