14/09/2025
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14/09/2025
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In September 2019, Iran launched missiles and drones against the Khurais and Bqiq oil facilities in Saudi Arabia, causing significant material losses. In January 2022, Houthis launched missiles at Abu Dhabi, resulting in material damage. Last June, Iran launched missiles at the Qatari capital, which were mostly intercepted by land-based anti-aircraft defenses and did not cause significant damage.
However, the most important development in the series of Israeli attacks and incursions into the Arab region—from Tunisia in the west to Baghdad in the east—occurred last Tuesday. Israeli fighter jets targeted an anticipated meeting of Hamas leadership in Doha, resulting in the killing of a Hamas member and a Qatari security personnel. This was the first Israeli attack on a Gulf city. Which city is it? The Qatari capital that hosts one of the largest U.S. military bases in the region, the venue for U.S.-Afghan talks, the bridge through which Hamas was coordinating with Israel, and a window for negotiations with Egypt to halt the genocide in Gaza and secure the release of Israeli prisoners.
Before last Tuesday's aggression, many looked favorably—perhaps even with envy—at Qatar's diplomatic policy. Qatar was able to balance the contradictions of the region. It successfully employed rare diplomacy to manage relations with Iran, the Gulf states, Israel, Hamas, Turkey, and others. Most importantly, Qatar maintained close ties with its key Western ally, the United States. However, the Israeli assault on Doha last Tuesday changed the equations and balances entirely.
The assault on Doha placed the entire Gulf Arab countries in front of an unprecedented challenge: as the proverb says, "The blow came inside the home." Everyone felt the danger posed by Israel's expansionist policies across the Gulf. Indeed, Qatar's policies were not always aligned with its Gulf sister states, especially regarding relations with Hamas and Israel. Still, the Gulf consensus on Israel, Hamas, Yemen, and Iran was not uniform across all Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries.
A recent interview with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu on an Israeli channel sparked much debate and reflection. He expressed his dream of a "Greater Israel" stretching from Egypt in the west to Iraq in the east, and southward to Kuwait, reaching the northern and western parts of Saudi Arabia, extending northward to include parts of Syria and Lebanon. This caused some to pause and reconsider the possibility of peace and coexistence with an expansionist, arrogant Talmudic mindset that seeks regional dominance and threatens to strike anywhere, anytime, as it pleases. This threat was reiterated by Netanyahu himself after the attack on Doha, when he said he would "pursue" terrorists wherever they are harboring, meaning anyone harboring resistance to occupation would be subject to Israeli bombing and aggression.
What is to be done?
Over the past three decades, U.S. decisions in the Middle East have increasingly aligned with Israeli interests—especially concerning the Palestinian issue. There are no longer leaders like Ronald Reagan, who once picked up the phone to order Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin to halt the "holocaust" on Beirut during the 1982 Lebanon invasion, nor leaders like George H. W. Bush, who suspended aid worth ten billion dollars until Israel stopped settlement construction in the West Bank. It is said that such decisions contributed to his failure to win a second presidential term despite his enormous popularity before that decision.
The stark truth is that U.S. policies no longer prioritize American interests in the region. Instead, they tend to serve Israeli ambitions, even at the expense of U.S. interests—a fact openly acknowledged by many American voices. Although Gulf countries have sought to establish pathways of cooperation and mutual interests with the U.S., employing lobbying and public relations firms in Washington, these efforts have often been ineffective, as seen with the active Qatar lobby. The Gulf states invested trillions in joint economic projects with the U.S., yet this did not protect them from Israeli arrogance and aggression. Israel's interests are prioritized—not only over the interests of Gulf allies but even over American interests itself.
Despite some U.S. military bases and alliances, military strikes like those on Bqiq and Khurais, attacks on Abu Dhabi, Iran’s recent assault on Doha, and the recent Israeli aggression against Qatar still occur. So, what is the way forward?
Gulf states have several cards they can use to bolster their stance and strength against Israeli arrogance and dominance in the region, including:
• Gulf Confederation for Survival: No longer just a theoretical utopian idea, the Gulf Confederation is a strategic step to ensure regional resilience against Israeli expansionism. It could unify military, diplomatic, and economic positions, and strengthen Gulf unity—crucial for resistance against aggression.
• Arab Dimension for Gulf Strength: Egypt, with its enormous human resources and the strongest Arab army, is vital. Other neighboring countries like Iraq, Syria, Lebanon, Yemen, and Sudan are currently weak and facing failure. Therefore, working to strengthen and stabilize these countries can serve as a supportive factor in confronting Zionist dominance in the region.
• Regional Dimension: Although there is mistrust between the GCC and Iran, and concerns about Turkey’s intentions, both are currently in a state of fear and cautiousness due to Israeli expansionist policies. Iran has been targeted by Israeli bombings, and Turkey is resisting Israeli efforts to divide Syria to maintain its strategic security. If Gulf countries can build temporary trust with Iran and reduce fears regarding Turkey, it could boost the Gulf security strategy through a joint regional security project necessitated by Israeli arrogance and aggression.
• Supporting Palestinian Resilience: The Palestinian people are the primary front in resisting Zionist expansion. International society and friendly nations should support Palestinians in achieving their legitimate rights by resisting displacement and evacuation policies. Palestinian resistance remains strong and resilient, especially given Israel's ongoing bloodshed and destruction in Gaza over the past two years. Palestinians prefer to stay on their land and risk death rather than face forced displacement, fully aware that the alternative would be worse death.
• Strengthening Anti-Zionist Sentiments: For the first time, influential Jewish voices are openly criticizing Zionism and Israel’s war crimes, condemning the crimes carried out in the name of Judaism. These voices are a powerful force that can correct distortions and promote the true narrative of the Arab-Israeli conflict.
The Last Option: Military Action
The final and most undesirable option is a Gulf military confrontation with Israel. As the saying goes, "one has to stand his ground," and Gulf countries collectively are among the world’s largest arms buyers. The obvious question is: why invest in weapons if not for deterrence and self-defense? However, these weapons will not be effective without unified Gulf positions and a shared confederation decision—otherwise, we risk repeating our fragmented approach toward Iran, Yemen, Sudan, or Syria. The message today is clear: "The blow came home," and there is no room for complacency.
SAAD BENTIFLAH ALAJMI
