UNDOUBTEDLY, the recent Iraqi elections served as a difficult test for all political forces, especially Iran’s agents who tried from the beginning to prevent it from taking place.
However, their attempts clashed with the Prime Minister Mustafa Al-Kadhimi’s insistence on holding the elections in a bid to get out of the tunnel that sectarian militias took the Iraqis into after they endured the popular uprising that has been ongoing for nearly two years. This is a great sign of the rejection of their dominance over the joints of power since 2003 enabled by the Iranian-American cover.
In this regard, the interests of the two sides intersected at certain points, and conflicted in others. This prompted Iraq to step into an unbearably bad situation in terms of livelihood and security.
There is no doubt that Al-Kadhimi, throughout his tenure as prime minister, walked in a minefield. This prevented him from fulfilling all the pledges he made to his people. However, he also achieved a lot that could be built on, especially with regard to returning his country into the Arab embrace, and clipping Iran’s nails in preparation for limiting its role.
The decline in the power of the Mullahs influence did not stop at the borders of Iraq. It also suffered a major setback in Syria. As for Yemen, it is on the verge of death. The courtship messages sent by the new Tehran Foreign Minister Hussein Abdollahian to the Arabian Gulf states are nothing but attempts to revive his Houthi gang, which is popularly rejected regionally as well as internationally.
The scene, whose features have become clear in Iraq, seems to be mimicked in Lebanon, where Hezbollah and its leader Hassan Nasrallah are trying to escape from confronting the reality of their involvement in the explosion at the Beirut Port, which was the most terrible disaster the country has witnessed in the past three decades, by seeking to bribe the Lebanese with diesel smuggled from Iran. This is an attempt by Nasrallah to improve his situation in the elections, which will be held after six months.
Perhaps the Mullahs regime should have looked closely at the outcome of the disruptive events that its gangs triggered in Bahrain during the outburst of the so-called Arab Spring, which ended with the defeat of its project of hegemony over the kingdom, in implementation of the historical ambitions inherited from the era of the late Shah.
This comes without saying that the people of the region, even those who belong to the Shiite sect, will neither accept the domination of invaders carrying vengeful ideas that are thousands of years old, nor be deceived by the lies of victimhood that the Tehran regime conceals to market a project called “exporting the revolution”.
Based on these data, the results of the recent Iraqi elections were the most clear message of the rejection of Iranian interference in the region, and the determination to cut off the hand of Persian terrorism in Iraq, which is the vital sectarian artery for feeding Mullahs’ intervention under the banner of enabling people to determine their own destiny.
The truth, however, is that the regime itself has a big problem with the majority of Iranians in terms of its continued systematic repression to prevent any real democratic transformation that would end the 42-year-old dark era in Iran.
By Ahmed Al-Jarallah
Editor-in-Chief, the Arab Times