Does Tehran want to end the war? Is it prepared to consider the proposed Pakistani plan? Answering this requires us to understand the Persian mindset and cultural heritage, which are based on defiance and stubbornness rather than realistic approaches. This has been evident since the time of Cyrus. As a result, Iran is unlikely to accept the proposed plan. In fact, its initial response was negative. Iran will continue to reject any offer that does not meet its unrealistic demands. This means the war is likely to continue unless a miracle occurs within the regime itself. However, everyone knows that the age of miracles is over.
Today’s world operates on facts, power, and winning strategies, none of which Iran currently possesses. I mentioned yesterday that Iran is selling illusions to its people while being incapable of achieving any real progress in its confrontations with the United States. If Iran refuses to accept the conditions set by Washington, it should be prepared to face severe consequences. Even if mediation efforts somehow manage to secure a 45-day ceasefire, which is a highly unlikely scenario at present, Iran will likely attempt to violate it by any means to prevent its citizens from confronting the harsh reality of widespread devastation and triggering massive protests that could threaten the regime.
Regardless of what unfolds in the coming hours and days, it does not change the fact that Tehran is tightly trapped by a choice among several bitter options, as long as stubbornness continues to dictate Iranian political and military behavior. Iran has followed this approach, which is a mix of inherited religious and cultural tendencies, for the past 47 years.
It is not inconceivable that the Iranian regime might commit political suicide by escalating the conflict, a move that would inevitably hasten its downfall. Our primary concern, however, is the GCC states, which continue to endure daily terrorist attacks. In light of this war, the GCC countries must develop a new security, political, and economic strategy that is fundamentally different from past approaches.
This strategy should be based first and foremost on the inherent strength of the GCC countries, with diversified sources of weaponry and reformed regional and international alliances to ensure a balance between the collective interests of the GCC and those of each individual state. Today, the need for a unified Gulf army is greater than ever. The past five weeks of this war have proven that the countries of the region possess formidable military capabilities that have successfully countered the aggression. This fact should serve as the basis for building a future strategy. Undoubtedly, this war will end one day.
However, the post-war equations must be entirely different from those that existed before the war. The Gulf states have much work ahead, particularly after reaffirming that differences in viewpoints among sisterly GCC countries vanish when facing any threat. We must remember that disputes among the GCC states completely disappeared on August 2, 1990, when Kuwait was invaded by Iraq. Today, it seems history is repeating itself, as the negative stances between some Gulf states vanished suddenly on February 28 of this year, when the barbaric aggression against our countries began. This reality must not be ignored by Gulf decision- makers. I urge them to work toward consolidating their unity in all areas.
We must ensure our capability, as states and peoples, to change the equations and strengthen our strategic position. Peace will not be achievable until the Persian regime is defeated; otherwise, the world will continue to suffer. Will the world accept Iranian terrorist blackmail, given that the word “peace” does not exist in Tehran’s dictionary?
