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North Yemen: Merchants of war and legacy of betrayal

publish time

19/09/2026

publish time

19/09/2026

North Yemen: Merchants of war and legacy of betrayal
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Political figures in North Yemen have earned a long-standing reputation as ‘crisis merchants’. Compelled by profit and the spoils of conflict, they repeatedly instigate wars, remaining utterly indifferent to the slaughter, hardship and immense suffering borne by their own people.

Their history offers abundant proof of their expertise in the arts of betrayal and treachery. This destructive influence on Yemen’s destiny is part of a historical pattern extending as far back as the era of Abraha Al-Ashram. In light of this legacy, one must ask: Is history repeating itself once again? Were the Houthi drone strikes or the missiles aimed at Makkah at the height of ‘Operation Decisive Storm’ calculated attempts to destroy the Holy Kaaba?

Considering these developments brings to mind the famous statement of former North Yemeni President Ali Abdullah Saleh who compared governing the country to “dancing on the heads of snakes,” such an assessment was not just rhetoric, as it accurately captured the volatile political environment in the North. Reflecting on these historical developments, it is clear that former North Yemeni President Ali Abdullah Saleh’s famous description of ruling his country as “dancing on the heads of snakes” was rooted in reality. His observation depicted the turbulent political landscape in the North. The volatile atmosphere was manifested throughout the anti-monarchy revolution, secessionist efforts, and the subsequent unification—a merger driven by Sana’a’s pressing internal pressures.

Just two years later, this dynamic culminated in a war between the North and the South, fueled by northern ambitions to monopolize power and reduce southerners to second-class status. There have been numerous instances when northern politicians betrayed the Arabs and the southerners.

All these happened during the 1962 Yemen War, which concluded through the mediation of King Faisal bin Abdulaziz (may Allah have mercy on him) who gifted the end of the war to Jamal Abdul Nasser, until the invasion of Kuwait. One recalls the stance of Sana’a at the time and Ali Abdullah Saleh brazenly bragging that he would seize billions from the Future Generations Fund of Kuwait once Saddam Hussein gained control—a statement he actually made and was widely reported by Yemeni and Arab media.

Today, we see that the Houthis replaced the ancient figure of Abraha with a contemporary Persian counterpart with the same agenda, and goes further by trying to alter social and religious cultures. As we have stated repeatedly, it is unfortunate that Arab and Islamic nations have failed to take this threat seriously. Mere condemnation is no longer adequate, as such a statement failed to counteract the aggression that revealed the hidden agendas of the Tehran regime, which is targeting not just the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and other Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) states but the entire Islamic world as well.

Since the rise of the Ayatollah regime, there has been a persistent effort to disrupt the Hajj pilgrimage and mar the experience of pilgrims. The Islamic world should have identified this harmful behavior much earlier, but it did not, hence, allowing the regime to extend its influence into other Arab nations. The current actions of the Houthi-Iranian alliance are not simply responses to isolated incidents. They are part of a bigger and carefully orchestrated plan to achieve their broader objectives.