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Is Trump reviving the Jeffersonian era?

publish time

20/06/2026

publish time

20/06/2026

Breaking a geopolitical narrative that has persisted since the conclusion of the Second World War and the founding of the State of Israel, President Donald Trump has asserted American decision-making dominance. This development challenges the long-standing assumption that Tel Aviv controlled the policies of Washington, effectively dictating to the preeminent global superpower.

The traditional power dynamic shifted in recent weeks, with Trump appearing to set the terms for Benjamin Netanyahu rather than being guided by them. A clear consequence of this change was seen when the Israeli administration first saw the details of the Iranian memorandum of understanding through media reports. The official text was only shared with them 36 hours before the formal signing. This transformation in American foreign policy has profound implications, manifesting what Trump describes as the relationship between ‘the big one’ and ‘the small one’ – referring to Washington and Tel Aviv. While Israel maintains its status as a premier strategic partner and relations remain strong, this new approach sent shockwaves through the Israeli political landscape. Israeli political factions have responded vigorously to the maneuvers of a prime minister focused on his political survival to escape potential prosecution and jail time.

Furthermore, this evolving dynamic extends beyond the president. Vice President JD Vance also frequently voiced sharp criticisms of the Israeli leader. Consequently, the changing perception of Netanyahu is not limited to President Trump. Vice President JD Vance repeatedly criticized the prime minister of Israel and even resorted to insults. This suggests that the radical pillars of the government like Ben-Gvir and Smotrich have lost hope in the electoral calculations of Tel Aviv.

These figures are obstructing the Trump administration’s desire for peace in the region, especially since the American president consistently stated, “I ended eight wars.” In the last two days, he emphasized that “the war with Iran is over for good and I desire peace.” It is well known that the Iranian regime will not readily abandon its policy of procrastination, even though the war has not yet ended in the manner that wars usually conclude. There is still a long way to go. Nevertheless, Iran will eventually face a fait accompli – capitulation or bombardment – until its remaining capabilities are destroyed, further weakening and causing its collapse. This is in the minds of all its leaders, who are more concerned about their personal gain than the well-being of their people.

Nonetheless, the United States cannot be viewed as a weak state. It is the world’s superpower and therefore cannot be resisted, especially when it comes to strategic interests that cannot be abandoned or when Israeli interests cannot be prioritized over American interests. Moreover, there is an unseen aspect of this situation, or rather, a message to the Iranian enemy: “We have shown no mercy to our primary ally in the region, Israel. We will not tolerate any hesitation in ratifying the agreement. You must submit.” Thus, the repercussions of the last few weeks will be felt in the coming days. Elections are not in progress, but a new Israeli government could emerge. Similarly, Trump may win the midterm elections with an even stronger majority, which could be the beginning of a new political process in the region, one that could solidify the long-awaited peace. The third president of the United States, Thomas Jefferson, had an important opinion.

In 1776, he warned against biblical thought and its integration into the political process and economic power, making it a force of pressure on society and political forces. For decades, that influence dominated American politics until President Trump began to appear as if he is changing this approach. So the question is: Will the current president revive the era of Jefferson?