Abyssinian Nile, Houthi Yemen, Persian Wahrez, Hassan Irlou

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JUST as the Abyssinians are the common denominator in the issue of the Nile River, so are the Persians in the Yemen issue. The two sides meet at a suspicious intersection regarding Yemen, due to which it did not come as a surprise that the history of expansionism and dominance is repeating itself, that is, the Nile and Yemen, but this time with different tools and characters.

The story of Abyssinian interference in Yemen dates back to the year 533 AD when they invaded and occupied it. As a result, there were several attempts to get rid of their rule, but the Yemenis failed.
It happened after Saif bin Dhi Yazan allied himself with the Persians, who dispatched 800 soldiers led by a general called Wahrez. His troop consisted of prisoners who were on the deathrow for committing criminal offenses at that time. That force defeated the Abyssinian army by killing its leader. Immediately after, Yemeni leader Saif bin Dhi Yazan realized the dilemma he got himself into, especially when the Iranian general refused to enter through the Sanaa gate, which was somewhat low, because he did not want to lower his head while he was on the horse. Saif bin Dhi Yazan then ordered the demolition of the gate, and this represented the first step of Persian hegemony before Yemen fell completely in the grip of these murderous prisoners.
Later, the Abyssinians and Persians allied for a short period, but the expansionist tendencies of both parties led to the outbreak of a war between them.
During that period, the Persians started turning their eyes towards Egypt, which represented a vital area for the Abyssinians for centuries, especially after their first war with the pharaohs during the rule of the twenty-third dynasty. On that day, they took the Nile as a weapon to threaten the Egyptians, but were defeated in that war, after which they abandoned their expansionism ambitions.

Paradoxically, today the two sides return to the forefront of the expansionist quest and agree on the same old vital areas of influence, through the heir of the Persian agent Abdul Malik Al-Houthi, who is in fact more mean in his dealings with his Iranian master than Saif bin Dhi Yazan, as he became a puppet of the Revolutionary Guards led by a shadow ruler, Tehran’s ambassador in Sana’a, and the Persian Wahrez of this era, Hassan Irlou.

Perhaps many observers do not pay attention to the Iranian-Ethiopian relations, and the role of Iranian companies in the projects supporting the Renaissance Dam, which the intelligence is using as a cover to implement its scheme in Africa starting from Addis Ababa. This is happening at a time when both parties are working to achieve a strategic goal, which is to undermine the Arab national security, based on individual interests.

The Iranians are seeking to control the Arab neighborhood as their backyard under the slogan of “exporting the revolution”, and imposing a narrow sectarian culture. On the other hand, the Ethiopians are working to make Egypt and Sudan thirsty by imprisoning the Nile waters in an effort to weaken them so that it becomes easier to penetrate into the strategic African continent.

At this point, the interests of the Mullahs regime converge with Addis Ababa. From there begins the so-called distribution of roles, which is in fact a replica of what happened in the sixth century AD, as well as during Viceroy Ismail’s campaign against Abyssinia in the nineteenth century, and the Persian support for the Abyssinians at the time.
Currently, this intersection of suspicion is being observed at every turn in the development of events, either in Yemen or in the issue of the Renaissance Dam, especially after some Iranian energy companies announced the launch of implementation of projects on the sidelines of the dam in Ethiopia.

Based on this fact, it is possible to look at the Persian-Abyssinian threats to Arab national security, and deal with them on the basis of the fact – What threatens the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia threatens Egypt and other Arab and North African countries. What affects Egypt’s security, economy and water source can be considered an aggression against other Arab countries.

By Ahmed Al-Jarallah
Editor-in-Chief, the Arab Times

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