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Sharon Wall won’t protect Iraq’s Maliki

TO REACH the stage where Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri Al-Maliki, whose tenure is terminated, accepts and seeks to achieve what he has been rejecting in the past seven years, means the man is pushing his country towards division. Iraq cannot gulp the cup of division no matter what sacrifice the Iraqis have made.

When the leadership of the American forces presented in 2007 the proposal to put a protective fence around Baghdad, Al-Maliki refused as he considered this step the beginning of dividing the country. Today, he proposed such a step himself, succumbing to pressure from the tribes’ revolution. Sources close to him have announced that the fourth security plan to protect Baghdad from the so-called ‘terrorists’ includes building a fence around the capital. What does this mean? Has the man begun getting ideas from the late Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon?

Does this mean the person who is persisting in authority until the last breath thinks a fence can make the nation accept his continuity in power for good, after circumstances have changed because of failure in managing the Army and the country?
Although Al-Maliki achieved a reasonable result in the parliamentary elections, this does not yet qualify him to take over the premiership without essential alliances with parties represented in the Parliament. It is impossible at the moment, particularly after the recent developments like the loss of the central government in the strategic city of Karkouk. Throughout the past decade, the controversial conflict between the Kurds and remaining Iraqi constituents reached the phase of waging war between two parties.

In addition, the Iraqi Army’s loss in Mosul and other Iraqi cities means the Army lacks capability to defend the entire country in terms of political calculations. Therefore, it has created a problem for Al-Maliki even within the Shiite political parties which suddenly found themselves in front of a possible confrontation with the new Iraqi insurgent group that is staging an uprising against the dictatorial government. This is happening due to militarization in the sectarian line through which the conflict is now transforming from political to sectarian leaning. It was due to the sectarian crimes committed by DAESH Group in several Shiite cities and villages.

At this point, it has become imperative to ask who is really benefitting from the sectarian conflict instigated by DAESH. The question is significant especially when several tribes begin to join hands with this group to participate in the conflict. In other words, this development has taken away the Iraqi Sunni legitimacy from the group.

In spite of this, Iran continues to play its usual politics along the pitfall while it still recognizes Al-Maliki as its number one person in Iraq. But, is it capable of fighting wars on two sides and increase the number of its international foes after successfully managing its international relations? Will the Mullah regime lose the stability it has begun to achieve internally through partial lifting of sanctions on Iran just for Al-Maliki to remain in power? What benefit will it be for the Tehran regime to push its future into the risk of public revolution which it avoided in 2009?

After all these, it seems that Al-Malaki, who has been using his own hands to prepare his prison and confine himself in Baghdad, does not understand how his destructive policies started. Thus, the walls and fences are not useful to him even if he builds a huge wall like that of China, because he made the structure fall on himself.

By Ahmed Al-Jarallah
Editor-in-Chief, the Arab Times

By: Ahmed Al-Jarallah

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