THE recent political protests at the Erada Square that led to the ouster of the Prime Minister was dubbed as Kuwait’s Spring, and largely credited to the youth movements that braved police batons and detentions to effect a change.
However, a youth who went through the rough and tumble of these protests, begs to differ. Abdul Gaffur Hajjeih, a youth political activist, says the youth were used by politicos with ulterior motives. The bewildering numbers that turned up at the Erada Square were tribesmen or members of the Muslim Brotherhood. The youth were just an insignificant minority lost in the human sea.
The young activist’s straight talk on a variety of issues makes an interesting read, including sights he saw during a police clampdown on a Bedoun agitation.

Question: How do you look at the current political situation in Kuwait? Are you happy in hindsight with the part that the youth movements played in the recent changes?
Answer: First of all, I don’t believe that the credit for the recent political events in the country should go to the youth. It was the political organizations that spearheaded the changes, which were minor in my estimation.
Yes, they succeeded in removing the Prime Minister. But that’s not going to change a lot of things, and right all the wrongs. Because the problem was not with one person or the Prime Minister. The problem is with the way the country is run. It isn’t being run the way it should be. It is run on influence-peddling, more commonly known as Wasta.
Look at some of the national projects in Kuwait. A new university is still hanging in the air. Jaber Al Ahmed stadium is not very usable. It’s a systemic problem. And change doesn’t occur from simply gathering at the Erada Square. It comes from long-term political commitment to fight corruption.
When I say corruption, I mean influence-peddling, tribal primaries, religious fanaticism and such.
Q: Are you saying that the youth did not play an important role in bringing about the recent political changes in Kuwait?
A: No, no. The youth did play a role. But I am just saying that there were a lot of other factors that were responsible for the change.
Q: Tell us something about how the youth organizations got together and functioned as one team to achieve a common goal?
A: We are just assuming that they were one team. Actually they weren’t. They were only a loose coalition of many disparate youth and political organizations. It’s wrong to think that all the various youth groups got together and protested at the Erada Square at one time.
But yes, all the groups shared similar grouses and contentions. There was a hunger for change, and everyone wanted it to occur as early as possible. But change will not occur just by converging on a spot and shouting, “We want change, we want change.”
The fact is that the political organizations saw an opportunity in the resentment of youth and they fueled it for their advantage.
If you look at the opposition keenly you will see many prominent faces that are extremely politicized. They are either from Muslim Brotherhood or have tribal affiliations. So, I would say the youth were only playing into the hands of these politicians, and they allowed themselves, rather naively, to be used by them.
Q: Then what do you think the youth should have done. If not join ranks with the opposition, what other options did the youth have?
A: They should not have invited politicians into their fold and hijack their protest. The MPs should have never been allowed to get involved in their struggle. The political organizations should not have been allowed to join the youth movements as opposition blocs.
But yes, the political organizations were more experienced than the youth movements, and they had the approach in terms of using the media and so on. I guess the youth movements just yielded because they probably felt the need for the expertise and reach of the political organizations.
Moreover, the political organizations like Muslim Brotherhood and tribal groups had been in the government at various times. They were themselves part of the machinery that they now call as corrupt. This clearly shows their double standards.
Q: What role did your organization, the Kuwait Democratic Forum, play in this protest? Were you also a pawn in the hands of the politicos?
A: We were involved in the opposition. But the forum was not one hundred percent backing the opposition, because we knew they were corrupt too. I am not talking about the youth movements, but the political organizations. Yet, we closed ranks with the opposition in general, and that was a pragmatic move.
Q: So, you were choosing the lesser of the two evils?
A: Exactly.
Q: However, changes have occurred, big or small. From here, where do you think the country is heading? Are you positive?
A: Frankly speaking, I don’t know if I should be optimistic or pessimistic. While, the hunger for change is there, it’s an unfortunate truth that nobody really has a clear-cut plan. Not the government, not the opposition, not the youth movements. In fact, they don’t even know what they want changed. They want change, but that’s a very vague rhetoric.
The government has the development plan, which is its main platform. But that’s not a very comprehensive plan. It’s a very sketchy plan. They don’t have any alternative to this. They broadly dub it the infrastructure plan. But its details are not clear.
Q: Tell me something about how the opposition organizations are trying to bring about some sort of consensus on these issues, if there is such an attempt at all? Supposing your organization has a specific agenda for change, how would you communicate it through all the opposition groups and get a feedback, or build a consensus on it?
A: I will tell you something about the experience of our forum. We were invited by the opposition, and so we participated. I also attended the meeting as a human rights observer, because I personally don’t favor the opposition, because of all the inherent problems and contradictions I just mentioned. And so that’s how they function basically. If one group has an agenda to share, they invite other groups and discuss it and basically try to lobby other groups into agreement.
Q: What was the slogan for change in that meeting you attended?
A: That was a call to remove the then Prime Minister. They said he is too corrupt to stay in power. But as I said, that was a very bland slogan. They didn’t have an agenda. They didn’t have a clue as to who should replace him. Some were rallying for an elected Prime Minister. But that again was very vague, because they had nothing to say about how this could be achieved.
If you want an elected prime minister, then you are supposed to have political parties that will contest elections and the winning party will form the Cabinet, which in turn will be headed by a Prime Minister, who will be nominated by that party. This is the procedure to have an elected Prime Minister, and we are far away from such a process. And to raise a hue and cry over an elected Prime Minister, without considering such a systemic change is hollow. That’s why I felt all those meetings only issued empty rhetoric.
The irony is that the so called political opposition groups wouldn’t go for such a systemic change, because it is not in their best interest. Who benefits from corruption? It is these politicos, they don’t want the system to change, but they just want power to shift into their hands, so they can benefit from corruption.
Q: And there are corrupt MPs who are running for elections again. How are the youth movements looking at this? Isn’t it a gross travesty of all the struggles you underwent?
A: I live in Qurain, but according to my Civil ID my area of residence is Shaab, which is the first electoral constituency. In the first constituency I can cast a vote for change. I can volunteer for some MP, whom I feel will benefit the country, and by helping him win, I can bring about change.
However, the situation is very different in, let’s say, the fifth constituency. There it’s the tribal primaries that decide who gets into the Parliament. There is a tough battle being waged for the ninth and the tenth seat, and without a doubt I can say that it will be some tribal fanatics who will get those seats.
The fourth district is similar to the fifth; the equations are along tribal affiliations. In the third constituency, it’s money that rules. The candidate who spends the most on election campaigns wins.
Q: Do you mean vote buying?
A: No, I don’t mean vote buying. I am talking about things like advertisement spends. Vote buying is characteristic of the second constituency. It is there at least in some areas. In the 2009 elections, there was one liberal candidate who got many votes, while another liberal candidate got very few votes. How can this happen? If people support liberal candidates, then liberal candidates should have come close to each other. That clearly shows that the monied candidates can buy their way into the Parliament.
This was in Sulaibikhat, and honestly, I don’t blame the people of Sulaibikhat for selling their votes. They have poor infrastructure, they have bad schools and they live in bad conditions. For them democracy is meaningless, and so why not make some money out of it.
Q: So you are hopeful of the first constituency. You think you can make a change by voting?
A: I am hopeful of the first, second and third constituencies. I think that in these constituencies, some MPs who give priority to the nation will get elected. However, my concern is quite another thing. Most candidates are independent candidates, and I personally think that independents undermine the political process.
Let me explain. An independent candidate is not answerable to a political organization. They can vote however they want on various issues in the Parliament, and they are not accountable to anyone for their votes.
Take for example, Mohammed Al Dallal, who belongs to the Islamic Constitutional Movement. Mohammed Al Abdul Jadder, Salih Al Mulla, Ahmed Bushahri and so on are from the Kuwaiti Democratic Organization. Now, these people when they cast their votes on an issue, they have a specific agenda to abide by. They can only vote backing their agenda, and if they vote otherwise they are answerable to their organizations.
If you are an independent MP, your stance can change over time. You might support an issue today, and turn against it the next day.
Q: Probably, independent candidates have an advantage that others don’t. When they come to realize that some position is inimical to the society in some way, they are free to change their stance, but organizations, many a time, are hard pressed to stick to a position even when it’s known to be counterproductive to the nation?
A: On the contrary, I feel a political organization that is aligned with the real interest of the people will engender good results for the people. An MP from such a party will only vote to the benefit of the people. Moreover, they are predictable. We, the people, will know what issues they stand for and what they are against. So, we can vote confidently for them.
There was an independent candidate who had the support of students but who ended up voting ‘No’ on students’ allowance. You get what I mean? These independents are erratic. We don’t know what they will lead the nation to.
Q: Tell us something about the modus operandi of youth movements? How did they manage to get so many thousands to congregate at the Erada Square? Were the groups working months in advance to organize the protest, or was it organized at short notice with the help of social media? You are an organizer yourself.
A: There are a lot of restrictions that youth groups face in Kuwait. A youth group cannot rent a hall, cannot print anything, they can’t have a headquarters, they can’t hold any public activities. So, if I want to rent a hall, I have to do it in my personal name, not on behalf of my organization.
Q: You make it sound like youth movements are illegal in Kuwait.
A: Youth movements are not legal or illegal. There is no registered political movement in Kuwait. The government can shut us down anytime they want. We are existing because the government is turning a blind eye to us. If it wants, we can be forced to close shop without a caveat. This only reflects the immaturity of our democracy. We need a lot of political development in Kuwait.
Q: Shed some light on what happens when you guys meet up. You, of course make political speeches… so how does that go down with the government? Are there any restrictions on public speaking?
A: There is no law against talking politics publicly. It’s a Constitutional right.
Q: So, there is no law that grants you the right, although it’s not against the Constitution, is that so?
A: Yes.
Q: So, I gather that things are a little murky. You really don’t know what the limits are and how much is too much.
A: Yes, that’s right, and that’s how people are scared off from politics. People fear political persecution.
Q: Okay, you can’t officially rent a hall to congregate, but you can do so without representing your organization. How do you then get youths to congregate there, how do you send the word across?
A: Social media plays a big part in this. And so are social relationships. I personally call up about 200 people to organize a meeting. I make 200 separate calls. And they in turn inform their network and it grows like that.
So, we have a lot of impediments to be involved in politics. That’s why the youth by and large stay out of politics. Politics basically means opposition. You don’t have to be in politics to be a loyalist. You are a loyalist if you just mind your business and let the government do whatever it wants.
Q: So, when you make 200 calls, how many respond?
A: About 30 percent respond.
Q: But then how did we see those huge numbers at your rallies at the Erada Square. Surely, the youth seemed to be highly motivated and willing to take any risk?
A: There is a misconception I would like to clarify. The huge numbers you saw were not youth. When the youth were mobilizing, as I told you earlier, there were politicians who smelled an opportunity there. So, there was a tribal Sheikh who instigated his tribesmen to join us, and then there was second tribe that did that and then a third. These were huge tribes and the numbers at the Erada Square swelled. It was many, many times more than what youth movements could have managed on their own. There were about 18,000 people who assembled there, allegedly.
Now compare that to an average turnout at an activity organized exclusively by youth movements. We should be lucky if we have 300 or 400 people. I am talking about protests at Erada Square organized exclusively by youth movements.
The youth don’t have any political disposition whatsoever. Yes, they are disgruntled, but they are going to these movements to hear and learn, and if need be vent their anger shouting some slogans.
Most youths prefer to tweet on twitter than physically going for political rallies. A tweeter can’t make any effective change.
On the contrary, look at the Bedoun issue. I had been to Sulaibikhat, and I almost got arrested. I smelled tear-gas, and I saw people getting beaten with batons and shot with rubber bullets.
And those tweeting youths, tweet about Bedouns. They have their sympathies, but they are not there on the ground.
Q: But don’t you think that at least these tweets have increased the awareness on the Bedoun issue? Hasn’t it helped to that extent?
A: Yes. But creating awareness is not like working on solving the issue. People are aware of almost anything these days. But we need real solutions.
I was also tweeting on Bedoun issue, but I was tweeting from the middle of the conflict. I was tweeting what I was seeing first hand. And there were some online newspapers that dubbed me an Iranian agent trying to whip up discord.
The youth are too comfortable in their present conditions and don’t want to risk that comfort by taking to the streets protesting.

biography
Abdul Gaffur Hajjeih is a student of Economics in the Kuwait University and is a youth movement organizer and a human rights activist, representing a social-political organization Kuwait Democratic Forum, which was formed in 1992. Hajjeih is also an executive member in the Youth Association of Kuwait, which is the political arm of Kuwaiti Democratic Forum, and the Secretary of the Dean List Committee in the College of Business Administration, Kuwait University. He was involved in the recent youth movement protests at the Erada Square and a witness to police clampdown on Bedouns during their agitation in Sulaibiya.